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With legal abortions performed in the U.S.
Every major abortion rights organization and doctor admits it is a human being. The way they justify killing a human is to say it is not a person? In the 1973 Roe vs. Wade decision it was ruled that although it is a "human being" in the womb, it is not a "person." This little word game has cost our society in North America over 45,000,000 lives in 30 years. "Jane Roe" in the case has since said that it was the worst mistake she ever made. How come you never hear that in the main stream media? She was a puppet for an abortion agenda, another example of the abortion industry's abuse of young women.
The extreme view could of course be weakened to say that while abortion is permissible to save the mother's life, it may not be performed by a third party, but only by the mother herself. But this cannot be right either. For what we have to keep in mind is that the mother and the unborn child are not like two tenants in a small house which has, by an unfortunate mistake, been rented to both: the mother owns the house. The fact that she does adds to the offensiveness of deducing that the mother can do nothing from the supposition that third parties can do nothing. But it does more than this: it casts a bright light on the supposition that third parties can do nothing. Certainly it lets us see that a third party who says "I cannot choose between you" is fooling himself if he thinks this is impartiality. If Jones has found and fastened on a certain coat, which he needs to keep him from freezing, but which Smith also needs to keep him from freezing, then it is not impartiality that says "I cannot choose between you" when Smith owns the coat. Women have said again and again "This body is my body!" and they have reason to feel angry, reason to feel that it has been like shouting into the wind. Smith, after all, is hardly likely to bless us if we say to him, "Of course it's your coat, anybody would grant that it is. But no one may choose between you and Jones who is to have it."
“An abortion is the ending of pregnancy before birth.
I (Hugh) went in front of the abortion clinic with my "I regret lost fatherhood" sign. A young guy shuffled by me in a jean jacket and chains, the new elite intellectual class. He looked at my sign and eloquently said “do you regret lost fatherhood every time you jerk off?” The first thing that occurredis that he’s not familiar with the church teaching on , but I guess that shouldn’t surprise me. His comment actually displays ignorance much deeper than that. It is an ignorance I’ve seen in teens, adults, Obama, and even well educated and well intended people in the mushy middle. In 2009, after the Genome project, it is remarkable that the public still do not know when life begins.
Where the mother s life isnot at stake, the argument I mentioned at the outset seems to have a muchstronger pull. "Everyone has a right to life, so the unborn person has aright to life." And isn't the child's right to life weightier thananything other than the mother's own right to life, which she might put forwardas ground for an abortion?
There are some very strong arguments both for and against abortion.
The first thing to be saidabout this is that it is something new. Opponents of abortion have been soconcerned to make out the independence of the fetus, in order to establish thatit has a right to life, just as its mother does, that they have tended tooverlook the possible support they might gain from making out that the fetus isdependent on the mother, in order to establish that she has a special kind ofresponsibility for it, a responsibility that gives it rights against her whichare not possessed by any independent person--such as an ailing violinist who isa stranger to her.
The Texas Governor Rick Perry and Senator Ted Cruz are leading the fight for the abortion laws to become permanent, laws that are considered the strictest abortion laws that this country has ever seen....
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Warren in the Case Against Abortion
We should really ask what itis that says "no one may choose" in the face of the fact that thebody that houses the child is the mother's body. It may be simply a failure toappreciate this fact. But it may be something more interesting, namely thesense that one has a right to refuse to lay hands on people, even where itwould be just and fair to do so, even where justice seems to require thatsomebody do so. Thus justice might call for somebody to get Smith's coat backfrom Jones, and yet you have a right to refuse to be the one to lay hands onJones, a right to refuse to do physical violence to him. This, I think, must begranted. But then what should be said is not "no one may choose," butonly "I cannot choose," and indeed not even this, but "I willnot act," leaving it open that somebody else can or should, and inparticular that anyone in a position of authority, with the job of securingpeople's rights, both can and should. So this is no difficulty. I have not beenarguing that any given third party must accede to the mother's request that heperform an abortion to save her life, but only that he may.
Pro-choice groups are for abortion, or the choice of the mother.
I suppose that in some viewsof human life the mother's body is only on loan to her, the loan not being onewhich gives her any prior claim to it. One who held this view might well thinkit impartiality to say "I cannot choose." But I shall simply ignorethis possibility. My own view is that if a human being has any just, priorclaim to anything at all, he has a just, prior claim to his own body. Andperhaps this needn't be argued for here anyway, since, as I mentioned, thearguments against abortion we are looking at do grant that the woman has aright to decide what happens in and to her body. But although they do grant it,I have tried to show that they do not take seriously what is done in granting it.I suggest the same thing will reappear even more clearly when we turn away fromcases in which the mother's life is at stake, and attend, as I propose we nowdo, to the vastly more common cases in which a woman wants an abortion for someless weighty reason than preserving her own life.
Pro-life groups are against abortion or for the life of the baby.
In sum, a woman surely can defend her life against the threat to it posed by the unborn child, even if doing so involves its death. And this shows not merely that the theses in (1) through (4) are false; it shows also that the extreme view of abortion is false, and so we need not canvass any other possible ways of arriving at it from the argument I mentioned at the outset.
In this essay I will examine both sides of the abortion issue.
If abortion is murder, can we really wash our hands of the moral responsibility of 50 million deaths by abortion in this country alone, or must we take an unequivocal, urgent stand against this atrocity?
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